In the temple [nāos] of Athena Poliás [‘of the Polis’] is set up a wooden Hermes, said to have been a dedication [anathēma] by Kekrops, but not clearly visible because of sprays of myrtle [mursinē]. The votive-offerings [anathēmata] worthy of taking-account [logos] are, of the old ones, a folding chair, the making [poiēma] of which is by Daidalos; also spoils taken from the Persians [Mēdoi], namely the breastplate [thōrax] of Masistios, who commanded the cavalry at Plataea,1 and a scimitar [akinakēs] said to have belonged to Mardonios. Now Masistios I know was killed by the Athenian cavalry. But Mardonios was facing in battle the Lacedaemonians and was killed by a Spartan; so, the Athenians could not have taken the scimitar to begin with, and, furthermore, the Lacedaemonians would scarcely have let them carry it off [pheresthai].

Footnotes

  1. 479 BCE.

About the olive tree [elaiā] they have nothing to say except that it was evidence [marturion] adduced by the goddess [theós (feminine)] for the contest [agōn] [with Poseidon] for the land. They also say that, when the the Mede [= ho Mēdos,

the Persians] set Athens on fire, the olive tree [elaiā] was burned down, but on the very day it was burned it grew again to the height of two cubits. Adjoining the temple [nāos] of Athena is the temple [nāos] of Pandrosos, the only one of the sisters who was not-guilty [an-aitios] with regard to what-had-been-entrusted [parakatathēkē].

The things about this that most of all cause-wonder [thaumazein] for me are not completely knowable [gnōrima], but I will write down what kinds of things take place. Two maidens [parthenoi] dwell [oikeîn] not far from the temple [nāos] of Athena Poliás. The Athenians call them Arrhephoroi [arrhēphoroi]. For a time they live a regulated-life [diaita] [there] at the place of the goddess [theos (feminine)], but when the festival [heortē] comes round they ritually-perform [drân] at night the following. They place on their heads what the priestess [hiereia] of Athena gives them to carry [pherein]—neither she who gives it knows [eidénai] what it is that she is giving nor do they who carry [pherein] it understand [epistasthai] what it is. Now, there is an enclosure [peribolos] in the city, the enclosure of Aphrodite in the Gardens [kēpoi], as she is called. It is not far away, and there is an underground descending-passage [kathodos] that goes through it [= the enclosure]. This descending-passage is not-artificial-but-natural [automatē]. By way of this passage the maidens descend [katienai], and, [when they arrive] down below [katō], they leave behind the things they were carrying [pherein] and [replacing those things] they take [lambanein] something else, which they bring-back [komizein]—something that is covered [kaluptesthai]. These maidens [parthenoi], after this, are dismissed, and then there are other maidens led [agein] up to the Acropolis as replacements for them.

Near the temple [nāos] of Athena is [...] the likeness of an old woman about a cubit high. She is called an attendant [diakonos] of Lysimakhe. And there are large bronze statues [agalmata] of men facing each other for a fight, one of whom they call Erekhtheus, the other Eumolpos. But those Athenians who are acquainted with antiquity [ta arkhaia] must surely know that the man killed by Erekhtheus was Immarados, the son of Eumolpos.

On the pedestal [bathron] are also statues of Theainetos, who was seer to Tolmides, and of Tolmides himself, who when in command of the Athenian fleet inflicted severe damage upon the enemy, especially upon the Peloponnesians who dwell along the coast. He burned the dock-yards [neōria] at Gythion and captured Boiai, belonging to the ‘peripheral-dwellers’ [perioikoi], and the island of Cythera. He made a descent on Sikyonia, and, attacked by the citizens as he was ravaging the country, he put them to flight and chased them to the city. Returning afterwards to Athens, he conducted Athenian colonists to Euboea and Naxos and invaded Boeotia with an army. Having ravaged the greater part of the land and reduced Khairōneia by way of a siege, he advanced into the territory of Haliartos, where he was killed in battle and all his army defeated.1 Such were the things I learned about Tolmides.

Footnotes

  1. 447 BCE.

There are also old statues [agalmata] of Athena, no limbs of which indeed are missing, but they are rather black and too fragile to bear a blow. For they too were caught by the flames when the Athenians had gone on board their ships and the King [Basileus] [of the Persian Empire] captured the city, which had been emptied of its able-bodied inhabitants. There is also a boar-hunt (I do not know for certain whether it is the Calydonian boar) and Kyknos fighting with Hēraklēs. This Kyknos is said to have killed, among others, Lykos the Thracian, a prize having been proposed for the winner of the duel, but near the river Peneios he was himself killed by Hēraklēs.

One of the Troizenian stories [logoi] about Theseus is the following. When Hēraklēs visited Pittheus at Troizen, he laid aside his lion’s skin to eat his dinner, and there came in to see him some Troizenian children together with Theseus, then about seven years of age. It is said that when they saw the skin the other children ran away, but Theseus slipped out not much afraid, seized an axe [pelekus] from the attendants [diakonoi], and straightway attacked the skin in earnest, thinking it to be a lion.

This is the first Troizenian story [logos] about Theseus. The next is that Aigeus placed boots and a sword under a rock as tokens for the child, and then sailed away to Athens; Theseus, when sixteen years old, pushed the rock away and departed, taking what Aigeus had deposited. There is a representation [eikōn] of what is said in this story [logos] on the Acropolis, everything in bronze except the rock.

There is another deed [ergon] that they [= the Athenians] have represented-in-the-form-of-a-dedicatory-offering [ana-tithenai], and here is the tale [logos] that pertains to that deed. The land of the Cretans and especially the part that is next to the river Tethris was ravaged by a bull. I say-this-because [gar] beasts [thēria] in ancient times were much more formidable for humans. For example, there is the Nemean lion. And the lion of Parnassus. And so many serpents [drakontes] in many parts of Greece [Hellas]. And then there are the boars of Calydon and Erymanthos.

Also the one from Krommyon in the land of Corinth. It was said that some [of these beasts] were sent up from the earth down below, that others were sacred [hiera] to the gods, while still others had been let loose for the punishment [tīmōriā] of humankind. In the case of this bull as well, the Cretans say that it was sent by Poseidon to their land because, although Minos was ruler [arkhōn] of the Greek [Hellēnikē] Sea [Thalassa], he did not give more honor [tīmē] to Poseidon than to the other gods.

Anyway, they say that this bull was conveyed [komizesthai] from Crete to the Peloponnesus, and became one of what are called the Twelve Labors [āthloi] of Hēraklēs. When he was set loose on the Plain of the Argives he fled [pheugein] through the isthmus of Corinth and then fled [pheugein] further into the land of Attica as far as the Attic deme [dēmos] of Marathon, killing everyone he encountered, including Androgeōs, son of Minos. Minos then sailed against Athens with his navy, not believing that the Athenians were guiltless [an-aitioi] in the death of Androgeōs, and oppressed them so badly that it was finally agreed that they [= the Athenians] would bring seven girls [parthenoi] and seven boys [paides] to the Minotaur who was said to dwell [oikeîn] in the Labyrinth [laburinthos] at Knossos. But, later on, Theseus is said to have driven the bull of Marathon to the Acropolis, where he sacrificed [thuein] it to the goddess [theos (feminine),

Athena]. And the dedicatory-offering [ana-thēma] [that signals this deed] is from the deme [dēmos] of Marathon.

subject heading(s): *arrhēphoroi *(Arrhephoroi); aetiology; *drân *‘do, ritually-perform’; *pherein *‘carry’; *agein *‘lead’

Pausanias at 1.27.3 is engaged in correlating a ritual with a myth, thus pointing to a traditional aetiology. Unlike other interpreters of this passage, who are legion (there is a most helpful survey in Calame 2001:131–133), I argue that Pausanias here goes out of his way not only to say some things but also to leave other things unsaid. The leaving-out is just as intentional as the leaving-in. And I argue further that such leaving-out of some things is just as traditional as the leaving-in of other things. This further argument, which I present here only its barest outlines, is based on research I have done elsewhere, especially in an article on traditional wording in other Greek texts referring to other rituals, Nagy 2017, where I study the wording of the Linear B tablet Tn 316 from Pylos. In that article, I argue that the Greek word *pherein *‘carry’, with reference to the carrying of ritual objects, is programmatically linked to the Greek word *agein *‘lead’, with reference to leading or at least directing the carriers who carry such objects toward their proper ritual destination. The programmatic linking of such words, as I show in that article by analyzing not only Greek but also other Indo-European ritual texts, tends to be strictly controlled by ritual protocols concerning what can and cannot be spoken. In Pausanias 1.27.3, I now argue, we see a comparable linking of the words *pherein *‘carry’ and *agein *‘lead’. Even the element –*phoros *‘carrying’ of the word *arrhēphóros *(I leave for another occasion my interpretation of the element arrhē-) shows the workings of a traditional interaction between *pherein *as a ‘carrying’ of a ritual object and *agein *as the ‘leading’ of the carriers by those who give the directions. In the case of the ritual described by Pausanias at 1.27.3, I note with special interest this detail: even the priestess of Athena who directs the Arrhephoroi to carry what they carry is unaware of the contents being carried—from the standpoint of ritual re-enactment. This ritualized unawareness corresponds to the mythologized unawareness of the daughters of Kekrops concerning the contents of the *kibōtos *‘box’ entrusted to them by the goddess Athena. In the myth of the Kekropides as retold by Pausanias at 1.18.2 and as analyzed in Classical Inquiries 2018.01.25, the girl Pandrosos refrains from opening the box that contains what is not to be seen, not to be talked about, and so she remains unaware. By contrast, the girl Aglauros, together with her sister Hersē, opens the box out of curiosity and then, becoming aware by way of seeing what she sees, she plunges to her death from the top of the Acropolis. It has been argued that the sister Hersē is a later addition to an earlier mythological pair consisting of Pandrosos and Aglauros (Frame 2009:470–474). Perhaps, then, a new mythological pairing of Hersē and Aglauros may now be seen as matching the ritual pair of Arrhephoroi who descend from the top of the Acropolis to “ground zero”. In any case, the orderly ritual descent of the two Arrhephoroi matches the catastrophic mythological plunge experienced by two daughters of Kekrops. And, in the process of their descent, the Arrhephoroi pass through a natural underground *kathodos *‘downward-pathway’ that corresponds to a Mycenaean passage from the Acropolis all the way down to a spring located at this same “ground zero” (details surveyed by Pirenne-Delforge 1994:50–59; following mostly Burkert 1966).

The tension here between Minos and Poseidon has to do with genealogy: Minos is son of Zeus, while his rival Theseus is son of Poseidon.